There has been dialogs inside Election Commission, where apart from one party, all of parties found there leaders enjoying ‘constructive’ discussion with three Election Commissioners. That one party is BNP which was not found important to be called of. I was really happy at it. A party that won General Election for five times with two consecutive terms was not called. This definitely sounds ridiculous but I found my self cheered at it. Again, there has been a round table dialog at Amader Shomoy office. This dialog was participated by political leaders and thinkers from different parties like Awami League, Ganotantri Party, Workers Party, 11 Dol, CPB, LDP etc. My reaction was a smile once again when I saw no considerably outspoken leader from BNP was present there.
I think there is no more room to get furious at how this government deals with BNP; rather we should now smile at this regime’s desperation of pulling the strings which is once going to pull them down. After the long lasting restoration of democracy, BNP led the longest serving democratic government of Bangladesh. Not only that, lets just take a look at simple statistics. In 2001 election, the total votes of Bangladesh have nearly equally been shared by BNP & Awami League. The percentage was a pretty higher for BNP and ultimately that triumph ended up with a BNP’s two-third majority in the house. And this BNP is now being totally disregarded by this government. It’s still not quite clear that what really this government is trying to implement. Apparently, their activities are showing that they want to write their entire story by conserving no role for BNP. I said, apparently. We can put these retrospections into a perspective.
The dedicated election machine, the Election Commission is almost done with all of its political dialog drama without having a single second of discussion with BNP. As an elite unit of democracy which’s stringency indicates the perfection of democracy of a nation, Election Commission’s stance about BNP is in no way explicable as neutral. This is the part of the fate that has now showed up to BNP, I guess just for two basic reasons. One is, BNP however is may be equally popular as Awami League as a major party, but BNP’s international recognition is a party that held up the longest serving position of power in democracy of Bangladesh. And the other one is, unlike Awami League, there is a clearly visible divider line, which left no confusion among supporters and the whole nation to understand that which part is real & which one is the result of forgery. Begum Zia’s appointment of Khandoker Delwar Hussain has been an extremely prudent decision so far, which easily pushed the ‘reformist’ part to back foot helplessly. And ultimately the real BNP is now feeling all dimensions of present government’s wrath. If we look back, the game of this government that has resulted with a ‘reformist’ faction in BNP, this same game was started being played with both BNP & Awami League. Players in BNP were Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan, Maj. Hafizuddin and in Awami League were Amir Hussain Amu, Mukul Bose etc. And there were some who I guess have volunteered, like Gen. Z.A. Khan, Mofazzal Karim, Zahiruddin Shwapon etc.
But the aftermath has been different to BNP. The entire phase of reformation insistence was engineered by present government, that’s quite clear, because this was initially raised in BNP & Awami League. Other minnows like Jatiyo Party, Jamaat Islam, reformation was just a peremptory to them as well as they only talked about this when media asked them questions on it. Mainly the drama of reformation was only written for BNP & Awami League, whereas parties like Jatiyo Party, Jamaat Islam, 11 Dol, were just left in pristine condition. But the stage was too bumpy that this government finally couldn’t succeed to approach as plans. As result, aftermath of this drama came with two different types of effects on BNP & Awami League. This is an absolute truth that the main reason behind Sheikh Hasina’s arrest was her attempts of communication with her international contacts, which Sajib Wajed Joy is still trying to do. We can link Tasneem Khalil’s torture with this as there is a pretty similarity between these two incidents. Tasneem Khalil was tortured because he did the ‘blunder’ to this government by saying things to diplomats. And the same thing happened here, Sheikh Hasina was able to draw a huge magnitude of international attention, may be more than Begum Zia could do. Still we can see lawyers like Payam Akhavan & William Sloan are coming to Bangladesh and putting clear cut comments on this regime’s coarsely role about judiciary actions against Sheikh Hasina. The journey of BNP after the arrest of Begum Zia could be just an offbeat chronicle. But the decision that Begum Khaleda Zia made just prior to her arrest was the most crucial one. I believe this government had a well-planed roadmap about their future course of action on BNP that was mostly revolving around the role of Abdul Mannan Bhuiyan. But Khandoker Delwar’s appointment and Mannan’s suspension order came so rapidly that this regime was left perplexed apart. Consequently many players came to the scene and many incidents started taking place. But the divider line between the main BNP & Hafiz-Saifur faction was just being clearer as this government was making failed attempts one by one.
On the other hand, this regime found it far more comfortable to deal with Awami League. Because there was serious lack of leaders in Awami League who can have a vocal role from the side of Sheikh Hasina as Delwar is doing for Begum Zia. The difference between this regime’s plans with BNP & Awami League was made just because the recognition of the real BNP part is far more strong. On the other hand Awami League supporters still are not confirmed whether their party is running at orders of Sheikh Hasina or at will of present regime. A particular property of this present regime is interesting that many of it’s activities are just the repetition of history. As Farhad Mazhar has written in Naya Diganto, in 1983, Lt.Gen. Ershad went to India because he has plans about Awami League. The stringency of the real BNP made him uncomfortable and he found Sheikh Hasina convincible if he made to buy a key from India. So Ershad went to India and bought a key, which made Bangladesh to pay for it. This move resulted with Sheikh Hasina’ taking part in the general election in 1986. But this was most pathetic for Sheikh Hasina that her active part in the election couldn’t resist Ershad’s Jatiyo Party to win the election. Gen. Moeen’s visit to India I guess is just a repetition of history in this case. And this idea appears as more possible to happen when we see a FIR to be filed by ACC against 10 members of Begum Zia’s cabinet including herself, just on the following day of Gen. Deepak Kumar presented horses worthy of $0.85 million to Gen. Moeen. Not only that, this regime’s proud media partner Amader Shomoy arranged a dialog that I talked about earlier, where leaders from all parties apart from BNP were present and enjoyed ‘constructive’ discussion. Again ‘not only that’, CEC Dr. Shamsul Huda claimed his dialog with parties to be extremely successful, without having a single word spent with any of leaders of the party which has the latest position in the house with more than two third majority.
I have heard some people to say that this regime has a plan to convince Awami League to go for the election with their alliance. That election will ultimately be a selection that will buy a lead for Awami League to form a government, absolutely with a purified look of Democracy. After that, this regime’s backers, Armed Forces will either pull back showing complete apathy to politics, or they will do whatever the can do to breed more violent political anarchy in Bangladesh. If that finally happens, this will be enough to give birth of hatred distrust of Bangladeshi people on Democracy. That probably will widen the path of present regime to go for a long time hold of power. This is sounding like some fortuneteller is talking. “This will happen after that. That will happen after that.”
I want to finish this post with something other than a sigh. T.H. Khan, who is Begum Zia’s lawyer and also is an Adviser to the Chairperson, has debated in the High Court. The case was about CEC Shamsul Huda’s perplexed role which sent the invitation letter of the dialog to Maj. Hafizuddin as the GS of the party, whereas Hafiz now is no more interested call himself the GS of BNP anymore. I heard now he calls themselves “we reformists & our leader Saifur Rahman”. I am quoting highlights of T.H. Khan’s debate inside the court room claiming EC’s letter to be illogical & illegal.
Detained Bangladesh Nationalist Party chairperson Khaleda Zia’s counsel TH Khan told the High Court on Wednesday that the chief election commissioner made the commission controversial before the general election trying to divide the party.
Khan made the remarks while making his submission in the High Court bench of Justice Mirza Hossain Haider and Justice Mamnoon Rahman on a writ petition filed by Khaleda, also a former prime minister, challenging the validity of the commission’s letter inviting the reformist faction of BNP for dialogue on electoral reforms.
The election commission had tried to divide the BNP by inviting the party faction secretary general Hafizuddin Ahmed for electoral reforms talks, argued TH Khan opening the hearing on the writ petition.
The court adjourned the hearing till Monday.
To invite Hafizuddin, the commission gave a judgment on whoever the mainstream in the BNP was, that was not function to the commission, argued TH Khan, also adviser to the BNP chairperson.
Pointing out the commission’s reply to the High Court rule, Khan questioned the commission’s reasoning about ‘Doctrine of Necessity’ in sending the invitation letter to Hafizuddin.
‘This theory can only be applied in case of emergency situation of the state, but nothing such happened in this case,’ Khan contended.
In its reply, the commission also explained that expulsion of Mannan Bhiuyan from the post of party’s general secretary was a violation of ‘natural justice’.
‘The chairperson will decide who will remain in the party, but who has empowered the commission to interfere the intra-party matters,’ the counsel posed question.
Before adjournment of the hearing, the commission’s Kamal Hossain told the court, ‘The commission has no intention to deal with the intra-party conflicts continuing over supremacy on the BNP.’
‘The Party may resolve the matter and send the name to the commission to represent the party in the dialogue,’ he said.
‘If the party fails to resolve the issue, the court may give its decision and the commission will go by the verdict,’ said Kamal.
Kamal Hossain earlier submitted the reply of the commission saying that the case had no implication as the dialogue was scheduled for November 22, 2007 and the schedule already expired.
Quoting from separate replies submitted by four BNP standing committee members RA Gani, M Shamsul Islam, Khondker Mahabubuddin Ahmad and Chowdhury Tanbir Ahmed Siddiqui, Khan dubbed ‘midnight coup’ the October 29 standing committee meeting that appointed Saifur Rahman as acting chairperson and Hafiz acting secretary general.
According to their replies, the four standing committee members claimed that they had just joined a tea party hosted by former finance minister Saifur Rahman at his Gulshan residence that night.
Two ‘unidentified officials’ were present at the late evening party, the BNP leaders said, adding that they were to sign a resolution draft by the two, who forced them to do so on ’special circumstance.’
According to the BNP constitution, Khan contended, none but the chairperson can convene a meting of the standing committee and fifty percent of the standing committee members must be present during the meeting, otherwise there would be no quorum to the standing committee meeting.
‘There was only six members out of the 15 standing committee members,’ TH Khan claimed.
Halting the commission dialogue with the BNP scheduled for November 22, the High Court on November 18, 2007 issued the rule on the commission and the government to explain why the commission’s invitation letter addressed to Hafiz would not be declared illegal.
Quote Courtesy: E-Bangladesh
















Like its economic counterpart (the National Economic Council), the NSC is part of the Executive Office of the President. Its meetings are chaired by the president, or a person designated by the president, and attended regularly by the vice president and key members of the cabinet, including the secretary of state, the secretary of defense, and the secretary of treasury. Heads of other departments are often invited to attend NSC meetings when appropriate. To help coordinate national security policy and response among the different departments of the government, the president appoints a national security advisor, who acts as White House’s top analyst and focal point on security-related issues.
Goldwater-Nichols ensures that the military chain of command in the United States runs firmly from the civilian president, to the civilian secretary of defense, directly to the military combatant commander in the theater of military operations. The service chiefs (Joint Chiefs of Staff) do not have any operational control over the US military and act, through the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, in an advisory role to the president of the United States. This separation of military advice from military chain of command is one of the crucial mechanisms to safeguard civilian control of the military, and thereby national security affairs, in the United States.




